-•«• -vr CANQITSMDDNiG, D. Q. TORONTO, TSOl - MARTIN LUTHER ON THE BONDAGE OF THE WILL; TO THE VENERABLE MISTER ERASMUS OF ROTTERDAM, 1525. FAITHFULLY TRANSLATED^FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN ; BY EDWARD THOMAS VAUGHAN, M.A. VICAR OF ST. MARTIN'S, LEICESTER, RECTOR OF FOSTON, LEICESTERSHIRE, AND SOMETIME FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. ) WITH A PREFACE AND NOTES. ,sl LONDON : SOLD FOR THE EDITOR, BY T. HAMILTON, PATERNOSTER- ROW J AND T. COMBE, LEICESTER. 1823. [Entered at Stationers' Hall.] . > • f i • 'CW1 U.#i3 V « >w London : Printed by A. Applcgatli, Stamtord-street. TO HIM WHO SITTETH UPON THE THRONE BY THE SIDE OF THE INVISIBLE FATHER, EVEN JESUS, MY LORD AND MY GOD ! WHO KNOVVETH THAT NOT BY MY FREEWILL, BUT BY HIS, THIS WORK, WHATSOEVER IT BE, WAS PROMPTED AND UNDERTAKEN, AND HATH NOW AT LENGTH BEEN EXECUTED, I DEDICATE IT : DESIRING THAT HIS WILL, NOT MY OWN, BE DONE BY IT ; AND FIRM IN THE HOPE, THAT HE WILL USE IT UNTO THE EDIFYING OF HIS PEOPLE.— E. T. V. PREFACE. I DEEM it expedient to put the reader in possession of the circumstances under which this work was written ; for which purpose it is necessary that I premise a rapid sketch of Luther's history, in its connection with Pro testantism. Martin Luther was born in the year 1483, at Isleben, in Saxony. His father, who had wrought in the mines of Mansfield, became afterwards a proprietor in them ; which enabled him to educate his son, not only with a pious father's care, but with a rich father's liberality. After furnishing him with the elements in some inferior schools, he sent him at an early age to the University of Erfurth : where he made considerable proficiency in classical learn ing, eloquence and philosophy, and commenced Master of Arts at the age of twenty. His parents had destined him for the bar ; but after devoting himself diligently to the study of the civil law for some time, he forsook it ab ruptly, and shut himself up in a convent at Erfurth. Here he became remarkable for his diligence, self-morti fication and conscientiousness ; occasionally suffering great agitation of mind from an ignorant fear of God. Habitu ally sad, and at intervals overwhelmed with paroxysms of mental agony, he consulted his vicar-general Staupitius ; who comforted him by suggesting, that he did not know how useful and necessary this trial might be to him : * God does not thus exercise you for nothing, said he ; you will one day see that he will employ you as his servant for a ii PREFACE. great purposes.' — f The event, adds the historian, gave ample honour to the sagacity of Staupitius, and it is very evident that a deep and solid conviction of sin, leading the mind to the search of Scripture-truth, and the investi gation of the way of peace, was the main spring of Luther's whole after conduct ; and indeed this view of our reformer's state of mind furnishes the only key to the dis covery of the real motives, by which he was influenced in his public transactions.' It was not till the second year of his residence in the monastery, that he accidentally met with a Latin Bible in the library, when he, for the first time, discovered that large portions of the Scriptures were withheld from the people. Being sick this same year, he was greatly com forted by an elder brother of the convent, who directed his attention to that precious article of our creed, ( I believe in the remission of sins.' Staupitius, he afterwards remarked, had spoken to him as with the voice of an angel, when he taught him that c true repentance begins with the love of righteousness and of God ;' but the old monk led him up to the source of this love. — There may be, there is, a breathing after righteousness, and a feeling after God, which prepareth the way for this love ; but there can be no real righteousness wrought, or real love of it and of God felt, till we have the consciousness of his forgiveness. — His aged adviser represented to him, that this article im plied not merely a GENERAL BELIEF — for the devils, he remarked, had a faith of that sort — but that it was the command of God, that each particular person should apply this doctrine of the remission of sins to his own particular case ; and referred him for the proof of what he said to Bernard, Augustine and St. Paul. — With incredible ardour he now gave himself up to the study of the Scriptures, and of Augustine's works. Afterwards he read other divines, but he stuck close to Augustine ; and held by him, as we find, to his last hour. PREFACE. iii In the year 1507, he received holy orders ; and in the next year was called to the Professorship of Divinity at Wittemberg, through the recommendation of his friend Staupitius ; who thereby gave him an opportunity of veri fying his own forebodings concerning him. Here arose his connection with the elector Frederic, of Saxony ; which was so serviceable to him in all his after- conflicts. Frederic was tenderly anxious for the credit and success of his infant seminary; and Luther more than fulfilled his expectations, both as a teacher of philosophy and as a public minister. ' Eloquent by nature, and powerful in moving the affections, acquainted also in a very uncom mon manner with the elegancies and energy of his native tongue, he soon became the wonder of his age/ In 1510, he was dispatched to Rome on some import ant business of his order ; which he performed so well as to receive the distinction of a doctor's degree upon his return. Whilst at Rome he had opportunities of noticing the spirit with which religious worship was conducted there — its pomp, hurriedness and politically ; and was thankful to return once more to his convent, where he might pray deliberately and fervently without being ridiculed. He now entered upon a public exposition of the Psalms and Epistle to the Romans ; studied Greek and Hebrew with great diligence; improved his taste, and enlarged his erudition, by availing himself of the philological labours of Erasmus (to which he always owned that he had been greatly indebted) ; rejected the corruptive yoke of Aris totle and the Schoolmen, and rested not, like the satirist who had given him a taste for pulling down, in confusion, but sought and found his peace in erecting a scriptural theology upon the ruins of heathenized Christianity. The true light beamed very gradually upon his mind : from sus pecting error he became convinced that it was there ; con strained to reject error, he was forced step by step into truth. Whilst thus employed, with great contention of mind, iv PREFACE. in studying, ruminating, teaching and preaching; when now he had been favoured with some peculiar advan tages* for ascertaining the real state of religion, both amongst clergy and laity, in his own country, his attention was in a manner compelled to the subject of Indulgences. He had not taken it up as a speculation ; he did not know the real nature, grounds, ingredients, or ramifications of the evil. As a confessor, he had to do with acknowledgments of sin ; as a priest, he was to dic tate penances. The penitents refused to comply, because they had dispensations in their pockets. — What a chef- d'oeuvre of Satan's was here ! It is not <( Sin no more, least a worse thing happen unto thee ;" but f Sin as thou listest, if thou canst pay for it.' Luther would not ab solve. The brass-browed Tetzel stormed, and ordered his pile of wood to be lighted that he might strike terror into all who should dare to think of being heretics. At present Luther only said with great mildness from the pulpit, ( that the people might be better employed than in running from place to place to procure INDULGENCES /f • In his office of subaltern vicar he had about forty monasteries under his inspection, which he had taken occasion to visit. f It is not to be inferred that Luther was at this time ignorant of the doctrine of grace, because ignorant of this particular subject. This is the memorable year 1517. In the preceding year, 1516, he thus wrote to a friend. ' I desire to know what your soul is doing ; whe ther wearied at length of its own righteousness, it learns to refresh itself and to rest in the righteousness of Christ. The temptation of presumption in our age is strong in many, and specially in those who labour to be just and good with all their might, and at the same time are ignorant of the righteousness of God, which in Christ is conferred upon all with a rich exuberance of gratuitous liberality. They seek in themselves to work that which is good, in order that they may have a confidence of standing before God, adorned with virtues and merits, which is an impossible attempt. You, my friend, used to be of this same opinion, or rather — of this same mistake ; so was I ; but now I am fighting against the error, but have not yet prevailed.' — ' A little before the controversy concerning Indulgences, George, Duke of Saxony, entreated Staupitius to send him some worthy and learned PREFACE. v He was sure it was wrong ; he would try to check it ; would try, with canonical regularity, applying to arch bishop and bishop for redress : so ignorant of the prin cipals, sub-ordinates and sub-sub-ordinates in the traffic, that he called upon his own archbishop vender to stop the trade ! See how God worketh. Ambition, vanity and extrava gance are made the instrument of developing the abomi nations of the Popedonx, that God may develope himself by his dealings with it. The gorgeous temple, whose foundations had previously been laid, to the wonderment of man^ not to the praise and worship of God, must con tinue to be built ; though not one jot may be subtracted from Leo's pomp, sensuality and magnificence, and though his treasury be already exhausted. Profligate necessity leads him to an expedient, which, whilst it reveals his own spirit, and discloses the principles of the government preacher. The vicar-general, in compliance with his request, dis patched Lnther with strong recommendations to Dresden. George gave him an order to preach : the sum of Luther's sermon was this ; That no man ought to despair of the possibility of salvation ; that those who heard the word of God with attentive minds were true disciples of Christ, and were elected and predestinated to eternal life. He enlarged on the subject, and shewed that the whole doctrine of predestination, if the foundation be laid in Christ, was of singular efficacy to dispel that fear, by which men, trembling under the sense of their own umvorthi- ness, are tempted to fly from God, who ought to be our sovereign refuge.' — Evidence to the same effect may be drawn in abundance from his letter to Spalatinus, written in this same preceding year, containing remarks on Erasmus's interpretations of Scripture, compared with those of Jerome, Augustine, and some of the other Fathers. — ' When obe dience to the commandment takes place to a certain degree, and yet has not Christ for its foundation, though it may produce such men as your Fabricius's, and your Regulus's, that is, very upright moralists, according to man's judgment, it has nothing of the nature of genuine righteousness. For men are not made truly righteous, as Aristotle supposes, by performing certain actions which are externally good — for they may still be counterfeit characters — but men must have righte ous principles in the first place, and then they will not fail to perform righteous actions. God first respects Abel, and then his offering.'— Milner, iv. Cent xvi. chap. ii. vi PREFACE. he administers, could scarcely fail to draw some at least into an inquiry, by what authority they were called to submit to such enormities. This expedient (not new indeed — Julius had adopted it before — but never yet so extensively and so barefacedly practised, as in this in stance) was no other than to make gain of godliness, by selling merits for money — by not pardoning only, but even legalizing, contempt and defiance of God, through the distribution of certain superfluous riches of Christ and of his saints, of which the Pope has the key. The price demanded varied with the circumstances of the buyer, so that all ranks of men might be partakers of the benefit. In fact, all orders of men were laid under contribution to ecclesiastical profligacy, whilst the infamous Dominican had some colour for his boast, that he had saved more souls from hell by his Indulgences, than St. Peter had converted to Christianity by his preaching. Luther inquired, studied, prayed, called on his rulers; and at length, receiving no help but only silence or cautions from authorities, published his ninety-five theses, or doctrinal propositions, upon the subject: which were spread, with wonderful impression and effect, in the course of fifteen days, throughout all Germany. Tetzel answered them by one hundred and six : which gave occasion to sermons in reply and rejoinder ; and so dutiful, so simple-hearted, and so confident in truth, was Luther, that he sent his publications to his superiors in the church, his diocesan and his vicar-general ; and re quested the latter to transmit them to the Pope. — The cause was now fairly before the public. New antagonists arose. Luther was elaborate and temperate in his an swers. — At length the lion was roused. He had com mended brother Martin for his very fine genius, and re solved the dispute into monastic envy — a rivalry between the Dominicans and the Augustinians : but now, within sixty days, he must appear to answer for himself at Rome $ PREFACE. vii nay, he is condemned already as an incorrigible heretic, without trial, in the apostolic chamber at Rome, even before the citation reaches him. Through the intercession of his powerful friend the elector, he gets a hearing at Augsburg; if that can be called a hearing, which gives the accused no alternative but admission of his crime and recantation. — Such however was the justice and the judg ment which Luther met with at the hands of Cajetan. After going to and beyond the uttermost of what was right in submission — saving nothing but to write down the six letters (REVOCO), which would have settled every thing — though there were other weighty matters in dispute, besides the Indulgences — he left his imperious, con temptuous judge with an appeal which he took care to have solemnly registered in due form of law, ff from the Pope ill-informed to the same most holy Leo X. when better informed/' — Luther had in his several conferences at Augsburg, written and unwritten, stood distinctly upon his distinguishing ground, ( Scripture against all papal decrees :' it is his glory on this occasion, that he main tained it in the very jaws of the usurper's representative ; an abject mendicant monk, as the cardinal haughtily termed him, with all due and unfeigned respect for human superiority, took and acted the language, which two ap prehended and arraigned Apostles had used before him, (( We ought to obey God rather than men." — Cajetan got no honour at Rome by his negociations at Augsburg ; the papal counsellors complained that he had been severe and illiberal, when he ought to have promised riches, a bishopric, and a cardinal's hat. Such were their hot- burning coals to be heaped upon the head of inflexibility ! On his return to Wittemberg, at the close of 1518, Luther meditated to leave Germany and retire into France ; but the elector forbad him, and made earnest application to the emperor Maximilian to iziterpose, and get the controversy settled. Meanwhile, Luther renewed viii PREFACE. his appeal to the Pope ; which was followed, strange to tell, by a new bull in favour of Indulgences, confirming all the ancient abuses, but not even mentioning Luther's name. In his then state of mind, clinging as he still did to the Pope's authority, this document was opportune ; as serving to make his retreat impossible. Maximilian's death, which took place early in 1519, increased the elec tor's power of protecting Luther during the interregnum, and led to more lenient measures at Rome. The courte ous Saxon knight was sent to replace the imperious Dominican. — ' Martin, said he, I took you for some soli tary old theologian ; whereas I find you a person in all the vigour of life. Then you are so much favoured with the popular opinion, that I could not expect, with the help of twenty-five thousand soldiers, to force you with me to Rome/ — Luther was firm, though softened : he had no objection to writing submissively to the Pope ; as yet he recognised his authority, and it was a principle with him to shew respect to his superiors, and to obey " the powers that be," in lawful things, if constituted lawfully. In the month of July, 1519, were held the famous dis putations at Leipsic ; where Luther, who had been refused a safe conduct, if he attempted to appear in the character of a disputant, was at length permitted to take up Carol- stadt's half-defended cause, and to answer for himself in opposition to one of the most learned, eloquent and embit tered of his papal opponents. Eckius, Luther's quondam friend, had come to earn laurels for himself, and strength for the Papacy ; but He who gives the prey assigned it to truth, and made this the occasion of supplying Luther with many able coadjutors. Melancthon's approval of his doctrine and attachment to his person were the off spring of this rencounter. ' At Wittemberg, Melancthon had probably been well acquainted with Luther's lec tures on divinity ; but it was in the citadel of Leipsic that he heard the Romish tenets defended by all the arguments PREFACE. I* that ingenuity could devise; there his suspicions were strengthened respecting the evils of the existing hierarchy; and there his righteous spirit was roused to imitate, in the grand object of his future inquiries and exertions, the indefatigable endeavours of his zealous and adventurous friend.' Here it was, thai the question of papal supremacy first came into debate. The act of granting Indulgences assumed the right; but the principle was now brought forwards by Eckius, in malicious wilfulness, for the pur pose of throwing scandal upon Luther ; who as yet, how ever, (e saw men, but as trees, walking ;" and even main tained the Pope's supremacy, though on inferior grounds. He gave it him by a right founded on human reasons ; DIVINE PERMISSION, and THE CONSENT OF THE FAITHFUL. Though Eckius's thirteen propositions, and Luther's ad versative ones, had respect chiefly to the papal domination, they comprehended other topics ; and much important matter of a more generally interesting nature was elicited and agitated by the discussion. On all the subjects of debate, Luther shewed a mind opening itself to truth, as in the instance just cited ; though it may be doubted who ther he was yet fully enlightened into any. Even on Justification, and on Freewill, though he held the sub stance of what he taught afterwards, he did not use the same materials, or the same form of defence. Hear his own account, as given in the preface to his works. f My own case, says he, is a notable example of the difficulty with which a man emerges from erroneous notions of long standing. How true is the proverb, custom is a second nature ! How true is that saying of Augustine, habit, if not resisted, becomes necessity ! I, who both publicly and privately, had taught divinity with the greatest dili gence for seven years, insomuch that 1 retained in my memory almost every word of my lectures, was in fact at that time only just initiated into the knowledge and faith x PREFACE. of Christ; I had only just learnt that a man must be justi fied and saved not by works but by the faith of Christ ; and lastly, in regard to pontifical authority, though I pu blicly maintained that the Pope was not the head of the church by a DIVINE RIGHT, yet I stumbled at the very next step, namely, that the whole papal system was a Satanic invention. This I did not see, but contended obstinately for the Pope's RIGHT, FOUNDED ON HUMAN REASONS ; so thoroughly deluded was I by the example of others, by the title of HOLY CHURCH, and by my own habits. Hence I have learnt to have more candour for bigoted Papists, especially if they are not much acquainted with sacred, or perhaps, even with profane history.' — When the debate was over, Luther calmly reviewed his own thirteen propo sitions, and published them, with concise explanations and proofs ; establishing his conclusions chiefly by an appeal to Scripture and to ecclesiastical history. These wrestling-matches of ancient times were the seed-bed of the reviving church : the people heard, the people read; and thus, according to Luther's favourite maxim, THE STONE which is to destroy Antichrist WAS CUT OUT WITHOUT HANDS. In 1520, Miltitz advised a second letter to the Pope. Advancing, as he now was, towards meridian light, he found it difficult to do this with integrity ; it may be questioned, whether he succeeded in his attempt. Already he had disclosed to his friend that he had not much doubt but the Pope is the real Antichrist. ( The lives and conver sation of the Popes, their actions, their decrees, all, said he, agree most wonderfully to the descriptions of him in Holy Writ.' With what consistency could he still ap proach him as his authorized head and desired protector, flatter his person, and propose terms of mutual silence? True, the tone of his address is much altered from that of his former letter ; he declares many of the abomina tions of his government ; he expressly refuses to recant ; PREFACE. xi he insists upon his great principle, ( perfect freedom in interpreting the word of God.' He is also peculiarly wise, just, plain and forcible in warning him against the big swelling words, with which his flatterers dignified him : " O my people, they which call thee BLESSED cause thee to err." But we could be glad to see more of frank ness and less of compliment j the person not so subtilely separated from the office, the man from his court ; wishes and prayers for good suppressed, where he had begun to be persuaded that there could be only curse and destruc tion. The only plausible defence is, his mind was not yet FULLY made up as to what the Pope is : he had doubts, he thought himself bound to go to the uttermost in endea vours to conciliate, such an appeal would be a touchstone. In estimating the rectitude of this measure, every thing, it is plain, depends upon the degree of light which had then beamed upon his mind : but it is difficult to conceive, that, writing, as he had done, early in this same year to Spala - tinus, and writing, as he afterwards did, in the month of June, his treatise on the necessity of reformation, and, in the month of August, his Babylonish captivity, he should, in the intermediate space, have retained a state of mind which, consistently with simplicity, could dictate his, or indeed any letter of accommodation to Leo. At length, however, having abundantly proved his David, and convinced him of his foolishness, the Lord took it clean away from him, whilst He sealed up his enemies in theirs. Never was there a more manifest illustration of Jewish blindness and induration — (( He hath blinded their eyes, and hardened their heart" — than in the counsels of the Conclave at this period. Leo disdains to be conciliated. After three years' delay, when Lutheranism has now grown to a size and a strength which no fire can burn, the damnatory bull is issued on the 15th of June, 1520, at Rome, and after a further short interval of mysterious silence is published in Germany. It extracted forty-one xii PREFACE. propositions out of his writings, declaring them all to be heretical, forbad the reading and commanded the burning of his books, excommunicated his person, and required all secular princes to aid in his arrest. Luther was now quite prepared to receive it ; prepared through the judgment which the Lord had now enabled him to form concerning the papal usurpation; and pre pared, through the willingness which He had given him to suffer martyrdom for the truth, if called to that issue. The trenches were now fairly opened ; the war was begun. His first measure was to publish two Tracts : in one of which he treated the bull ironically, pretending to have some doubts of its authenticity, but still entitling it the execrable bull of Antichrist, and calling upon the emperor and all Christian princes to come and defend the church against the Papists ; in the other, he gave a serious answer to the forty-one condemned articles, defending the autho rity of Scripture, and calling every body to study it, with out deference to the expositions of men. Having answered, he acted his reply to it. If the bull were valid, it \vas not to be answered, but obeyed : he would shew, therefore, that he accounted it an illegal instrument. The Pope was the separatist, not he ; a bull of Antichrist is a bull to be burnt. He therefore takes the bull, together with the papal decretals, and such parts of the canon law as had respect to the pontifical jurisdiction, and with all due solemnity and publicity commits them to the flames : a measure, which he afterwards proved to have been deliberately adopted — not the effect of heat and rage, but of calm conviction — by selecting thirty articles from the books he had burnt, publishing them with a short comment, and appealing to the public whether he had shewn them less respect than they deserved. The two last of these were, Article 29. fThe Pope has the power to interpret Scripture, and to teach as he pleases j and no person is allowed to in terpret in a different way.' Article 30. < The Pope does PREFACE. xiii not derive from the Scripture, but the Scripture derives from the Pope authority, power and dignity.' He had more, he said, of like kind. Assume his cause to be just, and his bold proceedings were unquestionably right. His was not a case for half-measures. He was either a subject for burning, or a vindicator of the oppressed. What sort of vindicator ? Not by the knight-errant's sword, but by such acts as should declare him to be in earnest, and such arguments as should shew that he was not in earnest for nought. His publications at this period, and during the two preceding years, were almost without number. He knew that his life was in his hand ; he prized the short interval, as he anticipated, which was allowed him ; the cause of Christ, so evidently committed into his hands, was to be maintained, extended, and at length made triumphant, only by the bloodless sword of the Spirit. That sword therefore he would wield with all his might, without ces sation, faintness, or weariness. His main expectation was from the word of God simply and intelligibly set forth. He added short practical and experimental trea tises — appeals to plain sense and Scripture — but the ex pounded word was his stay. Hence his great labour in the Epistle to the Galatians ; which he first published in the year 1519, and, after fifteen years of additional research, having made it one material subject of his public lectures during all that period, revised, corrected, enlarged, and reedited in 1635. ( I have repeatedly read and meditated on this treatise, says his pious, laborious and philosophical historian, and, after the most mature reflection, am fully convinced, that, as it was one of the most powerful means of reviving the light of Scripture in the sixteenth century, so it will, in all ages, be capable of doing the same, under the blessing of God, whenever a disposition shall appear among men to regard the oracles of divine truth, and whenever souls shall be distressed with a sense of in-dwelling sin. For I per- xiv PREFACE. fectly despair of its being relished at all by any but serious, humble and contrite spirits, such being indeed the only persons in the world, to whom the all-important article of justification will appear worthy of all acceptation. The AUTHOR himself had ploughed deep into the human heart, and knew its native depravity ; he had long laboured, to no purpose, to gain peace of conscience by legal observ ances and moral works, and had been relieved from the most pungent anxiety, by a spiritual discovery of the doctrine just mentioned. He was appointed in the coun sels of Providence — by no means exclusively of the other reformers, but in a manner more extraordinary and much superior — to teach mankind, after upwards of a thousand years' obscurity, this great evangelical tenet — compared with which how little appear all other objects of contro versy ! namely, that man is not justified by the works of the law, but by the faith of Christ/ I cannot deny myself the satisfaction of inserting one extract from this truly spiritual work. — e This doctrine, therefore, of faith must be taught in its purity. Namely, that as a believer, thou art by faith so entirely united to Christ that he and thou are made as it were one person. That thou canst not be separated from Christ 5 but always adherest so closely to him, as to be able to say with confidence, I am one with Christ ; that is, Christ's righteousness, his vic tory, his life, death, and resurrection, are all mine. On the other hand, Christ may say, I am that sinner ; the meaning of which is, in other words, his sins, his death, and punish ment, are mine, because he is united and joined to me, and I to him. For by faith we are so joined together as to become one flesh and one bone. We are members of his body, of his flesh, and of his bones ; so that, in strictness, there is more of an union between Christ and me, than exists even in the relation of husband and wife, where the two are con sidered as one flesh. This faith, therefore, is by no means an ineffective quality j but possesses so great excellency, PREFACE. xv that it utterly confounds and destroys the foolish dreams and imaginations of the Sophisters, who have contrived a number of metaphysical fictions concerning faith and charity, merits and qualifications. — These things are of such moment, that I would gladly explain them more at large, if I could.'* Luther had many antagonists in his warfare. As his as sertive manifestoes were clear, argumentative and decisive; so his answers to those who attacked them were prompt, energetic and full. He neither spurned, nor delayed, nor spared. His admiring historian thinks it necessary to apologize for his vehemence, and for his acrimony. I do not concur with him in the sense of that necessity. God, who made the man, gave him his language. His language was the language for his case, for his hour, for his hearers and readers. Such were the publications wanted ; such would be read ; they agitated the high, they were under stood by the vulgar. His own account of himself, as given at a later period, is worth a thousand apologies. ' I, says he, am born to be a rough controversialist ; I clear the ground, pull up weeds, fill up ditches, and smooth the roads. But to build, to plant, to sow, to water, to adorn the country, belongs, by the grace of God, to Melancthon/ — If he had a spirit of rancorous enmity and cold-blooded malice towards his opponents, let him be condemned : but, we all know, severe words may be spoken without a particle of malignity, and a smooth tongue often disguises an * There is a defect in Luther's statement of the believer's union with Christ : he does not mark, he did not discern, its origin and founda tion, and its consequent exclusiveness and appropriateness to a peculiar people. He refers it all to his believing ; which is the manifestation, realization and effectuation of that relation which has subsisted, not in divine purpose only, but in express stipulation and arrangement, from everlasting, and which has been the source of that very faith, or rather of that energizing of the Holy Ghost, which he considers as its parent. But the thing itself, the nature of this union, is so beautifully described, that, whatever be ita defects, I could be glad to give it all currency. xvi PREFACE. envenomed spirit. — / am much more disposed to quarrel with his vanity, than with his petulance. The obligations which Charles owed to Frederic were such as to secure his protection for Luther, to a certain extent. For his opinions he cared not, though his own prejudices were no doubt on the side of the old system : he cared only for the political bearings of the question ; and it Avas obvious the elector's friend must not be con demned without a hearing. Hence, after much negociation and correspondence, his appearance at Worms is agreed upon. His wise protector gets an express renunciation of the principle, ' Faith not to be kept with heretics,' from Charles, several of the princes countersign his safe conduct, and Luther, as if to face as many devils as there were tiles upon the houses of the selected city, preaches his way up to Worms. His defence there has sometimes disap pointed me, and he seems afterwards to have felt that he had been too tame and uncxplicit himself. When he speaks, at a still later period, of his boldness ; questioning whether he should in that day (but a little before his death) have been so bold — a fact recited triumphantly by many historians — it is with reference to his courage in determining, or rather in proceeding to go up, notwith standing the strong dissuasives which he met with on his way, that he gives God glory. He who made man's mouth and gives him wisdom, and who hath promised for such very occasions, " I will give you a mouth and wisdom which all your adversaries shall not be able to gainsay or resist," did, no doubt, order his speech in perfect wisdom, at that trying hour. The speech he delivered was the speech for the time and for the case. But the question is, was it the speech we should have looked for from a Luther ? We admit there never was such a moment, pos sibly, since the Apostles' days. All the pomp of Caesar was before him. But I confess there is more of the elector Frederic, Spalatinus and Melancthon, than of Paul PREFACE. xvii before Felix, or of Peter and John before the council. Hear his own^account. ( I have great misgivings (says he in a letter to Spalatinus some months after), and am greatly troubled in conscience, because, in compliance with your advice, and that of some other friends, I restrained my spirit at Worms, and did not conduct myself, like an Elijah, in attacking those idols. Were I ever to stand before that audience again, they should hear very different language from me.' And again; cTo please certain friends, and that I might not appear unrea sonably obstinate, I did not speak out at the diet of Worms ; I did not withstand the tyrants with that decided firmness and animation which became a confessor of the Gospel ! Moreover I am quite weary of hearing myself commended for the moderation which I shewed on that occasion/ — The dean sets it all down to humility; but I doubt not there was much of well-founded and conscien tious self-upbraiding in these acknowledgments. — He maintained his principle, however ; ' a free use of the word; the Scripture for all, to be freely interpreted by all: retract he would, if convinced by Scripture, but not else.' Upon being informed that he was required to say simply and clearly whether he would or would not retract his opinions, ' My answer, said Luther instantly, shall be direct and plain. I cannot think myself bound to believe either the Pope or his councils ; for it is very clear, not only that they have often erred, but often contradicted themselves. Therefore, unless 1 am convinced by Scrip ture or clear reasons, my belief is so confirmed by the scriptural passages I have produced, and my conscience so determined to abide by the word of God, that I neither can nor will retract any thing ; for it is neither safe nor innocent to act against a man's conscience.' There is something particularly affecting in the words which follow: 1 Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise. May God help me. Amen.' b xviii PREFACE. Many attempts were made to persuade him in secret ; but the upshot was, he would stand by the word ; ' rather than give up the word of God, when the case is quite clear, I WOULD LOSE MY LIFE.'* In the course of three hours after his last interview with the elector Archbishop of Treves (who, though a bigoted Roman Catholic, had shewn strong dispositions to serve him), Luther received an order to quit Worms j only twenty- one days being allowed for his safe conduct, and he not permitted to preach in his way home. A sanguinary edict was then smuggled through the diet : many of the members had left Worms before it was voted ; the cere mony of enacting it took place in the emperor's private apartments ; the decree was ante-dated, as though it had passed on the 8th instead of the 21st, and Aleander, the Pope's legate, Luther's accuser, who had been much gravelled by the vast consideration and respect shewn to Luther, received it, as a sort of sop and soporific, from the emperor, that he should draw up the sentence. ( The edict, as might be expected, was penned by * Much was said, in the course of these discussions, about a future council. Luther acknowledged the authority of such a council; main taining only, that it must be legally convened — the civil governor being the alone rightful summoner — and that its decisions must be regulated by the word of God. There is more of sound than substance in the recognition of this appeal ; upon Luther's principles. Waving the difficulty of summoning such a GENERAL COUNCIL, where deputies are to be brought together out of all Christendom, divided as it is into inde pendent states, under various supreme heads ; what is the' decision at last ? The testimony of Scripture is testimony of Scripture to my con science, onb so far as I am led to understand Scripture in a sense •which is coincident with the general decision. If that decision be con trary to my own deliberate, conscientious and supposedly Spirit-taught views, as a lover of order I bow to the tribunal by submitting to its penalties, whether positive or negative ; but I cannot confess myself convinced, or adopt the judgment of the council as my own, without violating Luther's fundamental principle, ' the word my judge.' (See Part ii. Sect. xii. note k of the following work.) — Luther's last answer confirms the distinction which I have here been marking ; it is to the supposed decision of a council, that his resolution applies. PREFACE. xix Aleander with all possible rancour and malice. The first part of it states that it is the duty of the emperor to pro tect religion and extinguish heresies. The second part relates the pains that had been taken to bring back the heretic to repentance. And the third proceeds to the condemnation of MARTIN LUTHER in the strongest terms. The emperor says, that by the advice of the electors, princes, orders, and states of the empire, he had resolved to execute the sentence of the Pope, who was the proper guardian of the Catholic faith. He declares, that Luther must be looked on as excommunicated, and as a notorious heretic ; and he forbids all persons, under the penalty of high treason, to receive, maintain, or protect him. He orders, that after the twenty-one days allowed him he should be proceeded against in whatever place he might be ; or at least that he should be seized and kept prisoner till the pleasure of his imperial majesty was known. He directs the same punishment to be inflicted on all his adherents or favourers ; and that all their goods should be confiscated, unless they can prove that they have left his party and received absolution. He forbids all persons to print, sell, buy or read any of his books, and he enjoins the princes and magistrates to cause them to be burnt.' This high-sounding decree was never executed. Charles was too busy, too much entangled with crooked and con flicting politics, too dependent and too needy, to take ven geance for the Pope, at present, in Germany. In 1522, a diet of the empire held at Nuremberg agreed to a con clusion which Luther considered as an abrogation of it. In 1523, a second diet held at the same place, after some considerable difference of sentiment, concurred in a similar recess. The Lutherans were divided between hope and fear, alternately elated and depressed, during some succeed ing years. In 1526, when evil had been anticipated, the diet of Spires, after much jangling, terminated favourably. The wrath, however, was but deferred. In 1529, a second b2 xx PREFACE, diet at Spires went nigh to establish the neglected edict of Worms. The violence, with which it was conducted, led to a Protest of the Lutheran states and princes (whence we have derived our name of Protestants), and was followed by the famous defensive league of Smalcalde. The decree of Augsburg, in 1530, served to confirm the necessity of this league. The most moderate expressions of doctrine, and the most guarded behaviour, had no conciliatory efficacy ; force was prepared, and must be repelled by military combination. It is not by strength, however, or by might — human strength and human might — that the Lord wins his battles. That formidable confederacy, which could bring 70,000 men into the field, under the banner of John the Constant, to meet a not more than 8000 of the emperor's, soon melted away like the winter's snow. In 1547, the emperor carries all before him — takes the two great Protestant leaders captive, and makes a spectacle of them to their subjects — establishes his Interim, slays the Protestant witnesses and assumes to be even the MAN OF SIN'S master, in his domination over the Lord's heritage. But behold ! in three years and a half, the witnesses <( whose dead bodies have been lying in the street of the great city, which spiritually is called Sodom and Egypt, where also our Lord was crucified " — even in that Germany which has been called the highway of Europe — are seen standing upon their feet again. The treacherous and intriguing Maurice is made the instrument of bringing deliverance to the Protestants. The emperor becomes in his turn a fugitive, a panic-struck, and, within a hair's breadth, the captive of his captives ; when, at length, the unhoped-for treaty of Passan legalizes Protestantism, and secures to the revived witnesses a seat in the symbolical heavens. From the disasters, alike as from the triumphs, of these latter scenes Luther was removed by a rapid sickness and premature death, in the year 1546. Fatigue and anxiety PREFACE. xxi had impaired the native soundness and vigour of his bodily frame, and he died an old man, at the age of sixty-three. The storm which had gathered around his head at Worms was repelled in its onset by a prudent stratagem of the elector's, which he had communicated, it is probable, in secret, to the emperor himself. Having seized his person, by a mock arrest, whilst returning to Wittem- berg, he took and hid him in the castle of Wartburgj where he fed and nourished him at his own expense for ten months, and would have continued to do so, if Luther had allowed him, to the end of his days. In this hiding- place which he called his Patmos, comparing himself with St. John as banished to that island by Domitian, he saw many visions of the Almighty, which enlightened his future ministry. He betrayed a good deal of impatience under this seclusion. He complained that his kind detainer fed him too well ; that he ate and drank too much, that he grew stupid and sensual. But the truth seems to have been, that stir and bustle and a great to do were his element. He did not like fowling, though he allegorized it, so well as reading lectures to five or six hundred young men, and preaching to half as many thousands. Here, however, the Lord nurtured his Moses, and made him wiser in the art of feeding his sheep ; and, if he suffered him to be dull and heavy, he gave him no inclination to be idle. The Yonker,* in his horseman's suit, wrote many tracts ; improved himself in the knowledge of Greek and Hebrew, which he studied very diligently with an eye to his projected translation of the Scriptures, and actually accomplished his German version of the New Testament, so as to publish it this same year. These were not the achievements of sloth and sensuality ! Of his original works at this period, his answer to Latomus'vS defence of * 'During his residence in the castle of Wartburg he suffered his beard and hair to grow, assumed an equestrian sort of dress, and passed for a country gentleman, under the name of Yonker George.' PREFACE. the Louvain divines was the most elaborate. ' A confuta tion, says Seckendorff, replete with so much solid learning and sound divinity, that it was impossible to reply to it without being guilty of obvious cavilling or downright impiety. — If the author of it had never published any thing else in his whole life, he "would, on account of this single tract, deserve to be compared with the greatest divines which ever existed in the church. At the time of writing it, he was furnished with no other book but the Bible ; and yet he interprets the leading passages of the Prophets and the Apostles, and does away the deceitful glosses of sophis tical commentators with so much exquisite erudition and ability, that the genuine meaning of the inspired writers cannot but be clear to every pious and attentive reader.' He dedicates it to Justus Jonas, who had recently been appointed to the presidency of the college of Wittemberg ; desiring him to accept it as a sort of congratulatory pre sent, expressing a strong sense of the divine indignation as now poured out upon the visible church, and hinting what he expected from the new president, in the discharge of his office. — * It is my earnest prayer, that you, my brother, who, by your appointment ought to teach the pestilential decretals of Antichrist, may be enlightened by the Spirit of God to do your duty ; that is, UNTEACH every thing that belongs to Popery. For though we are com pelled to live in Babylon, we ought to shew that our affec tions are fixed on our own country, Jerusalem. Be strong and of good comfort ; and fear not Baalpeor ; but believe in the Lord Jesus, who is blessed for evermore. Amen.' In this treatise, he vindicates himself from the charge of insincerity in having for so long a time submitted to the Pope, and to the received opinions ; Avhilst he declares his grief for having done so, his thankfulness to the Lord Jesus Christ for that insight into the Scriptures, which he deemed a hundred times preferable to the scholastic divinity of the times, and his now full conviction, that the PREFACE. xxiii Pope is that monster of Antichrist, foretold throughout the sacred writings. He expresses himself indifferent to the charge of wanting moderation, and as to sedition, it was no more than the Jews had charged Christ with ; the main point in debate, he maintains, is (THE NATURE OF SIN/ ( If in the passages which I have quoted from St. Paul, says he, it can be proved that the Apostle does not use the word SIN in its true and proper sense, my whole argument falls to the ground ; but if this cannot be proved, then Latomus's objections are without foundation. He blames me for maintaining that no human action can endure the severity of God's judgment. I reply, he ought to shudder in undertaking to defend the opposite sentiment. Sup pose, for a moment, that any man could say, he has indeed fulfilled the precept of God in some one good work. Then such a man might fairly address the Almighty to this effect : " Behold, O Lord, by the help of thy grace, I have done this good work. There is in it no sin ; no defect ; it needs not thy pardoning mercy : which, therefore, in this instance I do not ask. I desire thou wouldest judge this action strictly and impartially. I feel assured, that, as thou art just and faithful, thou canst not condemn it ; and therefore I glory in it before thee. Our Saviour's prayer teaches me to implore the forgiveness of my tres passes ; but in regard to this work, mercy is not necessary for the remission of sin, but rather justice for the reward of merit.'* To such indecent, unchristian conclusions are we naturally led by the pride of the scholastic system ! This doctrine of the sinless perfection of human works * finds no support in Scripture : it rests entirely on a few expressions of the Fathers, who are yet by no means agreed among themselves, and if they were agreed, still their authority is only human. We are directed to prove * It is the works of the godly that are the subject of inquiry ; the charge against which Luther here defends himself is, his having main tained that the very best acts of the best men have the nature of sin. xxiv PREFACE. ALL THINGS and to hold fast that which is good. ALL doctrines then are to be proved by the sacred Scriptures. There is no exception here in favour of Augustine, of Jerome, of Origen, nor even of an antichristian Pope. — Augustine, however, is entirely on my side of the question. . . . Such are my reasons for choosing to call that SIN to which you apply the softer terms of defect and imper fection. But farther, I may well interrogate all those, who use the language of Latomus, whether they do not resemble the Stoics in their abstract definition of a wise man, or Quintilian in his definition of a perfect orator j that is, whether they do not speak of an imaginary character, such as never was, nor ever will be. I challenge them to pro duce a man, who will dare to speak of his own work, and say it is without sin. — Your way of speaking leads to most pernicious views of the nature of sin. You attribute to mere human powers that which is to be ascribed to divine grace alone. You make men presumptuous and secure in their vices. You depreciate the knowledge of the mystery of Christ, and, by consequence, the spirit of thankfulness and love to God. There is a prodigious effusion of grace expended in the conversion of sinners : you lose sight of this ; you make nature innocent, and so darken or pervert the Scripture, that the sense of it is almost lost in the Christian world.' — I make no apology for these instructive extracts. ' The matter of this controversy must always be looked on as of the last importance, if any thing is to be called important, in which the glory of God, the necessity of the grace of Jesus Christ, the exercises of real humility, and the comfort of afflicted consciences are eminently concerned/ f Luther concludes his book with observing, that he is accused of treating Thomas Aquinas, Alexander, and others, in an injurious and ungrateful manner. He defends himself by saying, those authors had done much harm to his own mind j and he advises young students of divinity PREFACE. xxv to avoid the scholastic theology and philosophy as the ruin of their souls. He expresses great doubts whether Thomas Aquinas was even a good man : he has a better opinion of Bonaventura. Thomas Aquinas, says he, held many here tical opinions, and is the grand cause of the prevalence of the doctrines of Aristotle, that destroyer of sound doctrine. What is it to me, if the Bishop of Rome has canonized him in his bulls ?' Valuable, however, as this work is, it will admit of no comparison with the truly herculean and apostolic labour, in which he was interrupted by performing it. c You can scarcely believe, says he, with how much reluctance it is, that I have allowed my attention to be diverted from the quiet study of the Scriptures in this Patmos, by reading the sophistical quibbles of Latomus.' And again; ' I really grudge the time spent in reading and answering this worth less publication — particularly as I was EMPLOYED IN TRANS LATING the Epistles and Gospels into our own language/ We who sit at ease, and, when wre have leisure or inclin ation to read a chapter in the Bible, have nothing to do but take down our Bible and open it where we please, are apt to forget the labour which it cost to furnish us with that Bible in our native language, and the perils by which we were re deemed into the liberty of reading it with our own eyes, and handling it with our own hands. We especially, who have fallen upon times, in which, through the manifest counsel and act of God, out of the supposed three hundred lan guages and dialects of the earth, versions of the Scriptures are now circulating throughout the whole of the known world in more than one hundred and forty, and to whom it is a rare thing to meet with an individual who has it even in his heart, much less upon his tongue, to put any limits to the circulation of the sacred volume, are ill prepared, by our own feelings and experience, to estimate the boon of a Bible now for the first time edited in the vernacular tongue. But Luther had not only to fight for the right to xxvl PREFACE. read, but to labour that they might have whereupon to exercise that right. ' Luther easily foresaw the important consequences which must flow from a fair translation of the Bible in the German language. Nothing would so effectually shake the pillars of ecclesiastical despotism ; nothing was so likely to spread the knowledge of pure Christian doctrine. Accordingly he rejoiced in the design of expediting the work, whilst his adversaries deprecated the execution of it, more than any heresy of which the greatest enemy of the church could be guilty/ Accordingly, he had begun, and \vas preparing himself by the more accu rate study of the original languages for the completion of his work, when drawn off by Latomus : an enterprise, which required the silence and seclusion of his Patmos for its origination and commencement, but which could not be satisfactorily completed, without larger resources than he possessed there. f I find, says he, I have under taken a work which is above my strength. I shall not touch the Old Testament till I can have the assistance of yourself and my other friends at Wittemberg. If it were possible that I could be with you, and remain undiscovered in a snug chamber, I would come ; and there, with your help, would translate the whole from the beginning, that at length there might be a version of the Bible fit for Christians to read. This would be a great work, of im mense consequence to the public, and worthy of all our labours/ This arduous task was at length accomplished : the New Testament, as I have already mentioned, being published in 1522; the Old Testament afterwards, in parts, till completed in 1530. ( In this work he was much assisted by the labour and advice of several of his friends, parti cularly Jonas and Melancthon. The whole performance itself was a monument of that astonishing industry which marked the character of this reformer. The effects of this labour were soon felt in Germany ; immense numbers now PREFACE. xxvii read in their own language the precious word of God, and saw with their own eyes the just foundations of the Lutheran doctrine.' — What an Ithuriel's spear did the Lord thus enable him to put into the hands of the mass of the people ! No wonder that the Papists should cry out and burn. — What, in fact, has upheld the Popedom but ignorance of THE BOOK ? and what is ultimately to destroy it, according to Luther's intelligent and enlightened antici pation of that event, but the knowledge of the Book f f The kingdom of Antichrist, according to the Prophet Daniel's prediction, must be broken WITHOUT HAND ; that is, the Scriptures will be understood by and by, and every one will speak and preach against the papal tyranny from the word of God ; until THIS MAN OF SIN is deserted by all his adherents, and dies of himself. This is the true Christian way of destroying him ; and to promote this end, we ought to exert every nerve, encounter every danger, and undergo every loss and inconvenience.' — The wonder is, that, in our days, individuals shall I say ? numbers rather, compre hended in that communion, are zealous for the dissemination of the Scriptures in the spoken language of their country; whilst one of these, towering high above the rest, has been the favoured instrument of distributing more than three hun dred thousand copies of a German version of his own, besides many thousands of this very version of Luther's.* ' To decide on the merits of Luther's translation would require not only an exact knowledge of the Hebrew and Greek, but also of the German language ; certainly it was elegant and perspicuous, and beyond comparison prefer able to any scriptural publication which had before been known to the populace. It is probable that this work had * I need scarcely mention the name of Leander Van Ess. But is there no opposition to this work, amongst the Roman Catholics ? Are there not divisions and fiercest persecutions amongst them on this very ground? And where, and what, are the Bible Societies of Spain, Por tugal, Bavaria and the Italian States ? xxviii PREFACE. many defects ; but that it was in the main faithful and sound, may be fairly presumed from the solid understand ing, biblical learning and multifarious knowledge of the author and his coadjutors. A more acceptable present could scarcely have been conferred on men, who were emerging out of darkness ; and the example being followed soon after by reformers in other nations, the real know ledge of Scripture, if we take into account the effects of the art of printing, was facilitated to a surprising degree.' The papistical plagiarist Emser endeavoured first to traduce, and afterwards to rival and supersede him : but his correct translation was, in fact, little more than a transcript of Luther's (he was himself notoriously ignorant of the German language), some alterations in favour of the Romish tenets excepted ; so that Luther was read under Emser's name, and the Lord gave him grace to say with his heart, " Notwithstanding, whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is preached, and I therein do rejoice, yea, and will rejoice." It was not without manifesting, from time to time, a considerable degree of impatience, that Luther was de tained even for ten months in his solitude : action was his element, and it was painful to him to sit still. < For the glory of the word of God, and for the mutual confirmation of myself and others, I would much rather burn on the live coals, than live here alone, half alive and useless. If I perish, it is God's will ; neither will the Gospel suffer in any degree. I hope you will succeed me, as Elisha did Elijah !' — I could wish he had not written this last sentence to his friend Melancthon. — However, after ten months, the state of his beloved Wittemberg concurred with his own self-centered likes and dislikes, to render it manifestly desirable for the church's welfare, and so, by just inference, the clear will of God, that he should hazard his life and safety by leaving his retreat and returning to his public sta tion in the then capital of infant Protestantism. Melancthon PREFACE. wanted spirits and vigour ; the elector wanted boldness and decision ; Carolstadt was become tumultuous ; the flock was in the state of sheep without a shepherd ; the enemy was crying, " There, There." Having already made one short visit by stealth, and finding that an occasional inter position would no longer meet the difficulty, he deter mined to risk all, and knowing the elector as he did, to act first, and then apologi/.e. Accordingly, he left Wart- burg, and wrote his noble letter to him from Borna, on his way, in which he freely opened his motives and expect ations, delivering Frederic from all responsibility for his safety, and testifying his entire and alone confidence in the divine protection. Having done so, he pursued his journey with no real or even pretended safeguard, but Him who is invisible. — ( I write these things that your highness may know, I consider myself in returning to Wittemberg to be under a far more powerful protection than any which the elector of Saxony can afford me. To be plain, I do not wish to be protected by your highness. Tt never entered my mind to request your defence of my person. Nay, it is my decided judgment, that, on the contrary, your high ness will rather receive support and protection from the prayers of Luther and the good cause in which he is em barked. It is a cause which does not call for the help of the sword. God himself will take care of it without human aid. I positively declare, that if I knew your highness intended to defend me by force, I would not now return to Wittemberg. This is a case where God alone should direct; and men should stand still, and wait the event without anxiety ; and that man will be found to defend both himself and others the most bravely, who has the firmest confidence in God. Your highness has but a very feeble reliance on God ; and for that reason I cannot think of resting my defence and hopes of deliverance on you.' If I were to put my finger on the most splendid moment of Luther's life, I should fix it at Borna. All the mag- xxx PREFACE. nanimity, courage and perseverance which he displayed after wards, were but the acting of that Spirit which he had then evidently received : the fruit and effect of the Lord's most full and most clear manifestation of Himself, as that which he is, to his soul. This enabled him to cast his die in God. He cast it at Wartburg, he declared it at Borna. — His return to Wittemberg was healing, confidence and peace to his scattered, agitated and mistrustful flock. Luther's valuable life was preserved to the church, for twenty-four years, after his return to Wittemberg. In these, he had first to build, which he found more difficult than to destroy ; then, to protect, extend, uphold and per petuate his infant establishment.* He had to provide against the rapacity of the secular arm, without making ecclesiastics rich ; to obtain learned instructors of the people, without feeding hives of drones ; to make the untaught teachers ; to abolish pomp without violating decency. Often he was at a loss what to advise ; and often he was obliged to adopt what was only second best in his own eyes. The press was the great weapon of his warfare, and of his culture ; his publications extended to a vast variety of subjects, and it may be truly said, he had thought and knowledge, matter and weight for all. We are to remember, that he was all this while like a vessel living in a storm; not only an excommunicated man (he had excommunicated in return), but an outlaw, under the ban of the empire ; whom any body that dared might have seized and delivered up to justice : — is not this the man whom the Lord holdeth with His right hand, keepeth as the apple of His eye, and spreadeth a table for in the midst of his enemies ? Nor were his professed enemies his worst : the slow caution of the elector, the timidity of his coadjutors, the * It was an acknowledged principle with him, as with our reformers, to alter as little as possible. He was more of a Cranmer than a Knox. PREFACE. xxxi madness of the people — fleshly heat assuming the name and garb of religious fervour — lust of change — every body must be somebody — envy, debate, clamour, and his own native obstinacy, were more to him than the Eckiuses and the Aleanders, the Conclave and the Emperor ! The character of Luther is sufficiently obvious from this mere hint at his history. Magnanimous, capacious, absti nent, studious, disinterested, intrepid, wise, f He feared God, he feared none else.' Early in life he had been made to drink deep into the knowledge of his own wickedness, accountableness, lostness and impotency. Melancthon tells of him, that, while he was deeply reflecting on the astonish ing instances of the divine vengeance, so great alarm would suddenly affect his whole frame, as almost to frighten him to death. I was once present, when, through intense exertion of mind in the course of an argument respecting some point of doctrine, he was so terrified as to retire to a neighbour's chamber, place himself on the bed, and pray aloud, frequently repeating these words, " He hath con cluded all under sin, that he might have mercy upon all." This sensibility of conscience prepared him for a trembling reception of the divine word. We have seen how the Lord threw it in his way. For a considerable time it spake only terrors to him. " THEREIN is the righteousness of God revealed," stirred him up to blasphemy. At length the Lord had pity on him, and opened his eyes, and shewed him that the righteousness of God there spoken of is not His own essential righteousness, which renders Him the hater and punisher of iniquity, but a substance which He has provided to invest sinners withal ; and thus, this very expression which had proved a stumbling-block to him became his entrance into Paradise. In process of time, the Lord revealed the mystery of this righteousness somewhat more distinctly to him. He shewed him that the Lord Jesus Christ was in his own person this righte ousness ; and that to enter into Him, and to put Him on, xxxii PREFACE. by faith, was to be righteous, before God ; that the merit of Christ was complete for justification ; that nothing was to be added, or could be added to it, by a sinner ; and that it was received by faith only. Thus far the Lord gave him clearness of sight, though not fulness ; and that speedily : after, and beyond this, He left him to blunder ; aye, and to the end of his days. — Now therefore, " it having pleased God, who had separated him from his mother's womb, and called him by his grace, to reveal his Son in him, straightway he conferred not with flesh and blood ;" "he could not but speak the things which he had heard and seen;" " he was ready not to be bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus."* God gave three special endowments to this chosen wit ness ; which are the characteristics of his testimony : great knowledge of Scripture, great talent for abstruse and elaborate argumentation, and a singular felicity in addressing the common people. f In illustration of the first of these, his whole works may be appealed to, if his * If his faults be required, he had, in him, every fault under heaven. In him, that is, in his flesh, dwelt no good thing; that is, dwelt every bad thing. His WITHIN was like ours. " For from within, out of the heart, &c. &c." But if, as should rather he, what came out of him chiefly, that is evil, be inquired, his vices, as is the nature of evil, were his virtues run mad : he was obstinate, fierce, contemptuous, vain. — He was not unkind, as some would represent him ; he had " bowels of mercies :" he was not rash ; no man more deliberately weighed his words and deeds: he was not implacable; witness his attempts to con ciliate that greatest of all bears, the Duke George, our tiger Henry, Carblstadt, Erasmus, and even the Pope. •f* This does not imply that he always interpreted Scripture lightly, or saw all the truth ; any more than his skill in arguing implies that he always arrived at right conclusions, or proceeded to them by just steps — His excellency in addressing the common people, let it lie observed, did not consist in his having one doctrine, or one reason, for them, and another for the learned ; he had one Gospel for all, and told it all out to all ; but he had powers of language — facility of illustration and simplicity of expression — which made him intelligible and affecting to the most illiterate. PREFACE. translation of the Bible be not proof enough : for the second; his disputations with Eckius, Latomus and Eras mus — specially the treatise which follows : for the last, all his numerous tracts and sermons, particularly his address to the common people on the breaking out of the rustic war. — His commentary on the Galatians furnishes speci mens of the three. Such was the man, whom the Lord raised up, called forth and employed, as the most prominent, active and efficacious of his blessed workfellows, in accomplishing the Reformation ! But how strange is it, that man will look but at half of God, and at the surface only of that half, when His whole self stands revealed ; and when it is the very aim and contrivance of his operation, to effect that complete display ! The Reformation was God's act — an act, inferior only to those of Calvary and of the Red Sea, for manifesting his mighty hand, and his outstretched arm — which he accomplished by doing all in all that Luther did, and all in all that Luther's enemies did ; by working in Charles as well as in the Elector ; in Leo as well as Luther; in Cajetan, Campeggio, Prierias, Hogostratus, and the whole train of yelping curs and growling mastiffs, which were for baiting and burning the decriers of Baby lon, as in Jonas, Pomeranus and Melancthon. Indeed, if we would estimate this transaction aright, as a displayer ' of God, we must not only inspect the evil workers, visible ' and invisible, as well as the good, but must mark the steps by which He prepared for his march, and the combinations with which He conducted it ; we must see Constantinople captured by the infidel, and the learned of the East shed abroad throughout Christendom ; we must see the barba rian imbibing a taste for letters, and the art of printing facilitating the means of acquiring them; we must see activity infused into many and various agents, and that activity excited by various and conflicting interests ; we must see rival princes, and vassals hitherto bowed down c xxxiv PREFACE. to the earth, now beginning to ask a reason of their govern ors; we must see a domineering Charles, a chivalrous Francis, a lustful and rapacious Henry, a cannonading Solyman, a dissipated Leo, a calculating Adrian, a hesi tative Clement — German freedom, Italian obsequiousness, Castilian independence, Flemish frivolity, Gallic loyalty, Genoa's fleet and Switzerland's mercenaries, Luther's firmness, Frederic's coldness, Melancthon's dejectedness, and Carolstadt's precipitancy — made, stirred and blended by Him, as a sort of moral chaos, out of which, in the ful ness of his own time, He commandeth knowledge, liberty and peace to spring forth upon his captives in Babylon. Luther describes himself, we have seen, as a rough controversialist: controversy was his element; from his first start into public notice, his life was spent in it. — I hope my reader has learned not to despise, or even to dread controversy. It has been, from the beginning, the Lord's choice weapon for the manifestation of his truth ; just as evil has been his own great developer. What are Paul's and John's Epistles but controversial writings ? What was the Lord's whole life and ministry but a con troversy with the Jews ? Luther well knew its uses, and had tasted its peaceable fruits : it stirs up inquiry ; it stops the mouth of the gainsayers; it roots and grounds the believers. Still, there were three out of his many, from which he would gladly have been spared; they were maintained against quondam friends. In the first of these he was all in the right, but not without question ; in the second, all in the wrong, 'without question ; in the third, all in the right, without question : without question, I mean, not as respects any public trial which has been held, and judgment given, but before the tribunal of right reason. f Andreas Bodenstenius Carolstadt, unheard) uncon- victed, banished by Martin Luther.' — What ! Luther become a persecutor ? he who should have been a martyr himself, make martyrs of others ? Not so ; but charged PREFACE. xxxv with doing so, and appearances against him ! — Honest Carolstadt — there is some question whether he truly deserves this name — was a turbulent man. He had no hearty relish for Luther's ' broken WITHOUT HANDS ;' though a learned man, and still a professor at Wittem- berg, he gave out that he despised learning, and, having placed himself at the head of a few raw and hot-brained recruits, raved at the papal abuses which still remained amongst them, and proceeded to remove them WITH HANDS, by breaking images and throwing down altars. This disorderly spirit gave the first impulse to Luther's return. ( The account of what had passed at Wittemberg, he said, had almost reduced him to a state of despair. Every thing he had as yet suffered was comparatively mere jest and boys' play. He could not enough lament, or express his disapprobation of those tumultuous pro ceedings ; the Gospel was in imminent danger of being disgraced, from this cause.' Carolstadt fled before him ; became a factious preacher at Orlamund ; was banished by the elector; restored at length through the intercession of Luther ; reconciled to him, but without much cordiality ; and at length retired into Switzerland, where he exercised his pastoral office in a communion more congenial with his own sentiments, and died in 1531. Such is the short of Carolstadt ; one of Luther's earliest defenders, .who turned to be his rival and his enemy, and with whom he waged a sort of fratricidal war, for some years after his return from Wartburg, in conferences, sermons and treatises : of the last of these, his f Address to the Celes tial Prophets and Carolstadt' is the principal. Of his banishment it is unquestionable that Luther was not the author, though he thoroughly approved it ; nay, on his submitting himself, he took great pains to get him restored : he could not succeed with Frederic, he did with John. Still I have thought him repulsive, arbitrary, and ungene rously sarcastic hi his resistance to this Carolstadt; even as c2 xxxvi PREFACE. I have thought him unwarrantably contemptuous and exclusive in his comments and conflicts with the Munzer- ites, and somewhat too confident in shifting off all influence of his doctrine from the rustic war. Hence my expression, f not without question.' But, on a closer review, I find clear evidence that Carolstadt really was what Luther charged him with being — whimsical, extravagant, false and unsettled in doctrine ; a preacher and a practiser of sedi tion — that he had moreover united himself to Munzer and his associates, and had thereby obtained a niche amongst the Celestial Prophets. I find clear evidence that Stubner, Stork, Cellery, Munzer and the rest were a nest of design ing hypocrites ; raging and railing, and making preten sions to divine favour, which they neither defined, nor defended. — His test of false prophecy and false profession, too, let it be remarked, is sound, efficacious and prac ticable ; though perhaps founded (I refer to his test of conversion) rather too positively and exclusively upon his own personal experience. Again ; I find Luther's doctrine so clear in marking the line of civil subordination that it was impossible for the peasants, or those who made them their stalkinghorse, to urge that Luther had taught them rebellion. Nor was it less than essential to sound doc trine, that he should disclaim, and express his abhorrence of their error. — With the exception of that part of the con troversy therefore, which respected his Sacramentarian error, Luther had right on his side : and on that subject, Carolstadt, though right in his conclusion was so defective in his reasoning, so fickle, so versatile, and so disingenuous, that he defeated his own victory. In the second of these controversies, which, although broached by Carolstadt, soon fell into abler hands, and was at length settled by abler heads than his,* Luther * Zuingle and CEcolampadius, the former at Zurich, and the latter at Basil, were the great defenders of the faith, in this cause ; who, notwithstanding the authority, ponderosity, calumniousness, and inflexi- PREFACE. xxxvii was lamentably wrong ; wrong in his doctrine, and wrong in the spirit with which he defended it : — an affecting monument of what God-enlightened man is; who can literally and strictly see no farther than God gives him eyes to see withal, and for whose good it is not, and therefore for God's glory in whom it is not, that he should see every thing as it really is, but should in some par ticulars be left to shew, to remember and to feel, " the rock whence he was hewn, and the hole of the pit whence he was digged." Is there any exception to this remark amongst human teachers and writers ? Can we mention one, on whose writings this mark has not been impressed, so as to make it legible that we are reading a book of man's, not of God's ? Luther held, that ' the real substance of the Lord's body and blood was in the bread and wine of the Eucha rist, together with that previous substance which was bread and wine only :' a tenet, involving all the absurdity of popish transubstantiation, together with the additional one, that the same substance is at the same instant of two dissimilar kinds. bility of Luther, manifested to the uttermost in opposing them, were enabled to " bring forth judgment unto truth." Zuingle's great work is a commentary on true and false religion, published in 1525, to which he added an appendix on the Eucharist. OEcolampadius's principal performance is a treatise ' On the genuine meaning of our Lord's words, ' This is my "body/ published about the same time : of which Erasmus, in his light and profane way, said, ' it might deceive the very elect ;' and, being called, as one of the public censors, to review it, declared to their high mightinesses, the senate of Basil, that it was, in his opinion, a learned, eloquent and elaborate performance — he should be disposed to add ' pious,' if any thing could be pious which opposes the JUDG MENT AND CONSENT OF THE CHURCH. Zuingle testified his sense of the importance of the question by remarking in his letter to Pomeranus, ' I do not think Antichrist can be completely subdued, unless this error of consubstantiation be rooted up.' CEcolampadius traces the origin of the doctrine of the REAL PRESENCE to Peter Lombard; and contends that every one of the Fathers had held that the words ' This is my body,' were not to be taken literally. xxxviii PREFACE. Now, althcugh the word of God requires us to receive many things as true which are beyond the testimony of sense, and above the deductions of right reason, it no where calls us to receive any thing contrary to these. In what page, or chapter, or verse of the Bible are we called to believe a palpable contradiction ? This negative ap plies, by the way, not only to the abstruser articles of the faith, the coexistence of three coequal persons in the one divine essence, the Godman-hood of the Lord Jesus Christ, and the reality of divine and diabolical agency within the human soul, but also to those simpler verities which affirm what are called the moral attributes of God, and have been strangely marred and confounded by neglecting it. Luther, for instance, perplexed to recon cile what is commonly understood by these with his repre sentations of truth, has gone the length of maintaining that we do not know what these are in God : whereas, if justice, faithfulness, purity, grace, mercy, truth &c. &c. be not essentially the same sort of principles in God, as in his moral creatures, we can know nothing, we can believe nothing, we can feel nothing rightly concerning him. How these may consist with each other, and with his actings, is a distinct consideration : but it is a bungling, a false, and a pernicious expedient for solving difficulties, to deny first principles ; and, if our very ideas of moral qualities, even as respects their essential nature, be im pugned and taken from us, we cease to be moral beings. The tenet of consubstantiation, then, is contradictory both to sense and reason. Four of our senses testify against it, whilst only one can claim to bear witness in its favour. If the disciples heard the Lord affirm it, and if we hear it from their writings, our sight, our touch, our taste, our smell, assure us that it is bread, and nothing but bread, which we are pressing with our teeth.* — The * It was this sort of argument which brought the infidel Gibhon back to the Protestant faith, from which he had been seduced. . . .'That PREFACE. xxxix same body can only be extended in one place at the same instant : the Lord's body therefore, which is at the right hand of God, cannot be in any place where the sacrament is administered ; much less in the various places in which it is administered at the same moment ; any more than the bread which he held in his hand when he instituted the ordinance could occupy the same place as the hand itself. Luther talked much of ubiquity ; but what is the ubiquity of the Lord's body ? Are we not expressly taught that it is extended, and remains for a season, in one place ? " So then, after the Lord had spoken unto them, he was received up into heaven, and sat on the right hand of God ;" " Who is gone into heaven, and is on the right hand of God." t( Who is even at the right hand of God."